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Issue 7 |
June 2005 |
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Human Security Research is a monthly mailing list service that highlights significant new human security-related research published by university research institutes, think-tanks, IGOs and NGOs. |
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What's New in Human Security Research : |
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CONCEPT AND CRITIQUE:Human Security: Relevance and Implications
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ARMED CONFLICT: Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency
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HUMAN RIGHTS: Amnesty International Report 2005
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HUMAN RIGHTS: Impunity: A Leading Force Behind Continued Massive Violations in Chechnya
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INTERNATIONAL LAW: Following Taylor's Money: A Path to War and Destruction
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CHILDREN: Neither War Nor Peace: Int'l Comparisons of Youth in Organised Armed Violence
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GOVERNANCE: Uzbekistan: The Andijon Uprising
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DEVELOPMENT: Iraq Living Conditions Survey 2004
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CONFLICT RESOLUTION: A Comparative Study Of Attempts To Broker Peace With MNLF And GAM
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POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION: Transformation and the Socio-Economic Reconstruction of Burundi
CONCEPT AND CRITIQUE
Human Security: Relevance and Implications
U.S. Army War College
Since the end of the Cold War, the phrase “human security” increasingly has surfaced in scholarly literature, in the conversations of policy professionals and policy advocates, and occasionally in the popular media. The phrase itself suggests a departure from the esoteric jargon of the Cold War, preoccupied with state-centric issues of thermonuclear holocaust, strategic alliances, compellance and deterrence. But despite its increasing usage, the new concept rarely is defined and seems to carry a slippery range of alternative definitions. For some, the association of “human security” with the UNDP either commends its value or undermines its validity, regardless of the content. For others, the phrase connotes an exciting - or troubling - consensus on security themes by a putative global intelligentsia. Policymakers in several countries have gone so far as to embrace the concept as a foundation for their national foreign policy, while US policymakers are at best ambivalent or, more commonly, skeptical. Can any concept still so undefined and contested really have much utility? Or more to the point, should US military professionals pay any attention to it? This article argues in the affirmative, acknowledging that it is a paradigm gaining in prominence and may be an important part of the conceptual environment in which US military professionals will act in the future. The use of the concept also might have sufficient utility for US policymakers to warrant a closer examination. The purpose of this article is to note the origin, meaning, and contemporary usage of the “human security” concept, and to suggest why US military professionals should not ignore it. The article also will explore several implications of the increasing global interest in the concept and will offer some cautions and concerns
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More on Theory and Methodology/Concept and Critique
ARMED CONFLICT Iraq’s Evolving Insurgency
Center for Strategic and International Studies
The fall of Saddam Hussein would have exposed deep fracture lines in an impoverished Iraq, almost regardless of how it occurred. One key legacy of the British “divide and rule” tactics that formed the state was minority Arab Sunni rule over a state that had come to have an Arab Shi’ite majority of some 60% of the population, and Kurdish, Turcoman, and other minorities that made up another 20%. Iraq’s violent politics had further compounded these problems by bring a leader to power who never tolerated political dissent, and began the bloody purging and suppression of all organized political resistance when he took full power in 1979. From 1991 until the Coalition invasion in 2003, Saddam Hussein created further political problems by encouraging tribal divisions and favoring those tribes and clans that supported his rule and regime. The United States made major strategic mistakes in preparing to deal with this situation. It did demonstrate that it could fight the war it planned to fight: a conventional regional war with remarkable efficiency, at low cost, and very quickly. The problem was that the US chose a strategy whose post-conflict goals were unrealistic and impossible to achieve, and only planned for the war it wanted to fight and not for the “peace” that was certain to follow.
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More on Armed Conflict and Peace Operations and Post-Conflict Reconstruction
HUMAN RIGHTS
Amnesty International Report 2005
Amnesty International
During 2004, the human rights of ordinary men, women and children were disregarded or grossly abused in every corner of the globe. Economic interests, political hypocrisy and socially orchestrated discrimination continued to fan the flames of conflict around the world. The “war on terror” appeared more effective in eroding international human rights principles than in countering international “terrorism”. The millions of women who suffered gender-based violence in the home, in the community or in war zones were largely ignored. The economic, social and cultural rights of marginalized communities were almost entirely neglected. This report highlights the failure of national governments and international organizations to deal with human rights violations, and calls for greater international accountability. The report also acknowledges the opportunities for positive change that emerged in 2004. Calls to reform the UN human rights machinery grew in strength, and there were vibrant campaigns to make corporations more accountable, strengthen international justice, control the arms trade and stop violence against women.
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More on Human Rights
HUMAN RIGHTS // INTERNATIONAL LAW
Impunity: A Leading Force behind Continued Massive Violations in Chechnya
International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights
The most effective preventive measure against severe human rights abuses is to have all such cases effectively investigated and the perpetrators duly punished in accordance with the law, regardless of their rank and position. For Chechnya, such deterrence would be central as a precondition for both reconciliation and a lasting political settlement. The reality in the Chechen Republic is the opposite. A systematic look at the situation reveals an overarching climate of impunity. It shows that Chechen and Federal law enforcement authorities remain either unwilling or unable to hold accountable for their actions the vast majority of perpetrators of serious human rights violations, particularly when the perpetrators are members of Federal forces or of the pro-Moscow Chechen authorities, or armed groups controlled by these authorities. People in Chechnya describe the situation as “worse than a war”, referring to the atmosphere of arbitrariness, intimidation, and vulnerability to the ongoing abuses that prevail in the republic. Even in the most well-documented and transparent cases there is, as a rule, no progress in holding responsible the perpetrators. The lack of accountability perpetuates the conflict and contributes to further abuses.
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More on Human Rights and International Law, Justice and Accountability
INTERNATIONAL LAW, JUSTICE AND ACCOUNTABILITY
Following Taylor's Money: A Path of War and Destruction
Coalition for International Justice
This report outlines the financial network of former Liberian president Charles Taylor and demonstrates how Taylor’s control of this revenue stream poses a serious, ongoing threat to Liberia, West Africa, and beyond. It focuses primarily on events since Taylor became president of Liberia in 1997 through to the present. This report estimates Taylor generated an income of at least $105 million per year from 1997 through to the end of his presidency in August 2003. This derived from the continued spoliation of Liberia’s diamonds and timber, and the imposition of private taxes on gasoline and rice importation, and on rubber, coffee and rice production. Since August 2003, Taylor has been exiled in Calabar, Nigeria, where he continues to use his wealth to pursue political objectives in the region. He uses his contacts with international criminal networks to carry out investments, create shell corporations, and hide his money in order to escape UN and U.S. efforts to freeze his assets. The U.N.-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone is seeking to try Taylor for crimes against humanity.
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More on International Law, Justice and Accountability and Natural Resources and Armed Conflict
CHILDREN AND ARMED CONFLICT
Neither War Nor Peace: International Comparisons of Children and Youth in Organised Armed Violence
Children and Youth in Organized Armed Violence (COAV)
From the favelas of Rio de Janeiro to the townships of Cape Town, from the inner-city communities of Kingston, to the rural provinces of the Philippines or the ghettoes of Chicago, children and youth are dying in increasing numbers due to gun violence. While some die in gang disputes, some in organised crime, and others in direct conflict with state security forces, increasing firearms-related mortality reflects the growing involvement of young people in organised armed groups that function outside of traditionally defined war zones. The shocking reality is presented in a new book released by Viva Rio, which challenges the traditional parameters of definitions such as armed conflict, crime and delinquency; a reality that for many young people who live it daily is Neither War nor Peace.
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More on Children and Armed Conflict
GOVERNANCE AND SECURITY
Uzbekistan: The Andijon Uprising
Crisis Group
Western governments and international bodies must press much harder for fundamental changes in Tashkent to avoid further mass violence, and even state failure, in Uzbekistan. The 13-14 May popular uprising and its brutal suppression by the government of President Islam Karimov should come as no surprise. Public anger and extreme frustration with the regime have been mounting for months, if not years, and the regime's reliance on brutality is well-known. For too long, however, the international community has ignored Karimov's abuses and the clear signs the country was headed for serious trouble. After Andijon, it is time to abandon failed policies of muted criticism and tacit support for a government whose murderous policies are only fanning the threats of chaos and extremism it claims to be fighting.
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More on Governance and Security and Human Rights
DEVELOPMENT AND SECURITY
Iraq Living Conditions Survey 2004
United Nations Development Programme
The Iraq Living Conditions Survey 2004 reports and analyses the living conditions in Iraq as they were approximately one year after the change of regime in the country, as a result of the 2003 war. This representative survey of 21,668 households is the first in recent years to cover all governorates in Iraq. The larger part of the survey took place in April and May 2004, while fieldwork in the governorates of Erbil and Dahouk was carried out in August 2004. The results of the survey appear in three volumes: a Tabulation Report, which presents the main results of the survey in tabular form; an Analytical Report, and a Socio-Economic Atlas which depicts the situation in Iraq using maps and diagrams.
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More on Peace Operations and Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development and Security
CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND PEACEMAKING
Towards Better Peace Processes: A Comparative Study Of Attempts To Broker Peace With MNLF And GAM
Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies
States increasing find themselves in a situation where they are unable to suppress an internal insurgency entirely without initiating a peace process with the rebel organization. This is especially true for countries like Indonesia and the Philippines who have been battling domestic conflicts for many decades. This paper compares attempts made to attain peace between the Government of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) as well as the Government of Indonesia (GOI) and Gerakan Aceh Merdaka (GAM). In doing so, it endeavors to identify elements that could improve peace processes. The findings of this paper will address the strengths and limitations of a mediator in a peace process, the role of reintegration of armed rebels into mainstream society, how peace zones can be made more effective as well as the function of human rights and symbols in a peace process.
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More on Conflict Resolution and Peacemaking
POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION
"We Can’t Eat the Constitution": Transformation and the Socio-Economic Reconstruction of Burundi
Institute for Security Studies
As Burundi edges closer to its first democratic elections after ten years of civil war and ethnic divisions, the ageold Burundian proverb above appears to be more relevant than ever. The recent referendum on the interim constitution, demonstrated the Burundian people’s war fatigue with an overwhelming ninety-one percent vote in favour of a constitution based on the principle of power sharing between Hutu, Tutsi and Twa constituencies. In addition, the inclusion of the major armed rebel force, the CNDD (National Council for the Defence of Democracy), to the peace process in 2003 has significantly reduced violence in the country, which is now almost entirely characterised by clashes with the FNL (National Liberation Forces) in Bujumbura Rural. Even this is expected to cease as peace talks with the rebel group progress. Nevertheless, while the current emphasis on power sharing, elections and the electoral process is integral to reforming state structures, premature celebrations should not divert attention from the broader letter and spirit of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Accords agreed to by the 19 participating parties in August 2000.
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More on Peace Operations and Post-Conflict Reconstruction
Compiled by Robert Hartfiel
Human Security Research is produced by the Human Security Centre at the Liu Institute for Global Issues at UBC. The Human Security Centre produces the annual Human Security Report and is funded by the governments of Canada, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. For more information on human security visit the Human Security Gateway, an online research and information database that contains a broad range of human security-related resources.
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