	The Ethical Justness of European Counterterrorism Measures
	Conflict Related Disappearances in Bardiya District
	Justice Sector Reform in Afghanistan: From a "Lead Nation" Approach to a "Mixed Ownership" Regime?

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PEACEBUILDING: Walking the Line: Strategic Approaches to Peacebuilding in Lebanon
After the 2006 war in Lebanon and the ensuing political deadlock and escalation throughout 2007, FriEnt member organisations expressed the need for a more thorough understanding of the conflict and peacebuilding context and for reflection on options for peacebuilding by German development and peace organisations. As a result, the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung (hbs), the German Development Service (DED), the Forum Civil Peace Service (forumZFD) and the Working Group on Development and Peace (FriEnt) jointly commissioned a study whose objective is twofold: 1) To identify relevant fields of activity for peacebuilding by German development and peace organisations; 2) To identify potentials, deficits and needs of existing approaches and give recommendations for coordination with Lebanese and international actors in order to strengthen coherence and relevance of peacebuilding activities. The concept and methodology of this study stem from state-of-the-art tools for conflict analysis and the Peace and Conflict Assessment (PCA) approach. Starting from a systemic conflict analysis, the study looks into structural challenges, core problems and escalating factors and evaluates their relevance by analysing how their varying reciprocal impacts may foster and enable conflict and the use of violence in Lebanon. Based on this analysis, the study identifies strategical entry points and discusses main challenges, stakeholders, and peacebuilding needs in selected fields of activity. Existing approaches by Lebanese and international actors are assessed and gaps and opportunities to foster peacebuilding identified. Working Group on Development and Peace // The Forum Civil Peace Service // German Development Service // Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung (1 December 2008)

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TERRORISM: How to Repair the Legitimacy Deficit in the War on Terror: A Special Court for Dealing with International Terrorism?
Seven years after the terrorist attacks that marked the beginning of the so-called 'war on terror', the record shows many new policies, regulations and commitments to co-operate on all levels. While the shock at that time, and the call for an immediate response explain the fact that not all adopted measures excelled in their balanced approach, the time has come to evaluate and to repair the flaws in our system. Many of these flaws relate to the ever-lasting debate on whether security can be guaranteed while respecting liberty rights. Some would argue that respecting liberty to the full extent will jeopardise the discretionary power which the government needs to guarantee security, and that abandoning some of our freedom rights is but a small sacrifice in order to ensure our security. Justice Kennedy, however, reminds us that '[t]he laws and constitution are designed to survive, and remain in force, in extraordinary times.' Indeed, the framework of human rights conventions shows that rights to liberty go hand in hand with possibilities of governments to derogate from these rights by law, when necessary in a democratic society to serve a legitimate aim, such as national security. And in absolutely dire moments, a state of emergency can be invoked, which gives the state even more room to manoeuvre without being hindered by human rights limitations. The Clingendael Institute (20 December 2008)

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CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND PEACEMAKING : Coping with Crisis in Africa: Strengthening Multilateral Capacity for Peace and Security
The rapidly changing and increasingly interlinked peace and security environment in Africa is too complex for African states, the African Union, the United Nations, or any other multilateral actor to handle alone. It calls for effective and mutually reinforcing global, regional, and subregional partnerships that are flexible and responsive to the complex realities on the ground. The transformation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) in 2002, combined with the proliferation of subregional security mechanisms, contributed to a more robust African peace and security architecture. At the same time, the rise of new and enhanced security mechanisms has not been matched by adequate coordination and integration on the ground. As a consequence, regional and subregional cooperation remains fragmented, uncoordinated, and often conceived on an ad-hoc basis with no long-term strategy. The UN, the AU, and African subregional organizations should make it a priority to address these shortcomings and create more effective partnerships on the basis of their respective comparative advantages. Building the capacity of Africa's security mechanisms is complicated by the dual challenge of sustaining short-term capacity to cope with ongoing crises, while at the same time building long-term institutional, diplomatic, and military capabilities. International Peace Institute (1 December 2008)

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THAILAND: Child Recruitment and Use in Southern Thailand
The century-old insurgency by ethnic Malay Muslims in southern Thailand, thought by authorities to be effectively over by the end of the 1990s, re-ignited in 2004. Armed attacks on police and military targets have escalated since then, while a new, more radical Islamist ideology lies behind terrorist tactics such as the murder of Buddhist civilians and the indiscriminate bombing of public areas, killing Buddhists and Muslims alike. Non-state armed groups are thought to be responsible for much of the violence and for many grave abuses of human rights in the South. However, serious human rights violations by Thai security forces against individuals suspected of involvement in armed groups have been also been documented. They include arbitrary detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, enforced disappearances and unlawful killings. The situation has impacted severely on the lives of children. They have been among the victims of bombings, unlawful killing and other violent attacks by armed groups. On occasions they have also been the victims of lethal force and unlawful killings and by the Thai security forces. Access to education has been disrupted by the persistent targeting of government schools, teachers and, in some cases, pupils by armed groups and also by raids on Muslim schools by Thai security forces. Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (1 December 2008)

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TERRORISM: EU Terrorism Situation and Trend Report
The EU Terrorism Situation and Trend Report (TESAT) was established in the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States as a reporting mechanism from the EU Council�s Terrorism Working Party (TWP) to the European Parliament. The first five editions of the TE-SAT were presented by the respective Presidencies of the EU Council, �based on a file and on the analyses supplied by Europol� from member states� contributions. At the beginning of 2006, Europol proposed to widen the data collection for the TE-SAT in order to enhance the quality of the report. The proposal was endorsed by the Justice and Home Affairs Council on 1 and 2 June 2006, and TE-SAT 2007 was based on a new methodology developed by Europol in consultation with the advisory board of 2006, consisting of the Finnish and German Presidencies, Eurojust and SitCen (the EU Joint Situation Centre). The TE-SAT is a situation report which describes and analyses the outward manifestations of terrorism, i.e. terrorist attacks and activities. It neither attempts to analyse the root causes of terrorism nor to assess the threat posed by terrorism. Furthermore, the TE-SAT does not assess the impact or effectiveness of counter-terrorism policies and law enforcement measures taken, despite the fact that they form an important part of the phenomenon. European Police Office (31 December 2008)

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SAUDI ARABIA: Counter-Terrorism from Within: Assessing Saudi Arabia's Religious Rehabilitation and Disengagement Programme
Following a series of deadly domestic terrorist attacks in 2003, the government of Saudi Arabia began an ambitious and wide-ranging counterterrorism effort. In addition to traditional security and law enforcement efforts to kill and capture terrorists, a parallel strategy was launched to combat the ideological justifications for violent extremism within the kingdom. This �soft� counter-terrorism strategy is made up of three components: prevention programmes to deter people from getting involved with violent extremism, rehabilitation programmes designed to encourage supporters and sympathisers to renounce violence, and aftercare programmes to prevent recidivism and to reintegrate people back into Saudi society. This paper will provide an overview of the Saudi programme to rehabilitate and disengage Islamist extremists and militants, and explain its objectives and mechanics. It will also provide an initial background on programme participants, in an attempt to illuminate who goes through religious rehabilitation, and suggest why these efforts are working. Carnegie Endowment For International Peace // Royal United Services Institute (1 December 2008)

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TERRORISM: Islamist Terrorism in Greater Central Asia: The "Al-Qaedaization" of Uzbek Jihadism
The goal of this paper is to analyze the threat of Islamist terrorism in Central Asia, through the examination of what could be termed a real Al Qaeda-like threat: the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and its splinter cells, which seem to be the real problem in Central Asia. Even before the American campaign in Afghanistan began, the IMU had become more than an Islamo-nationalist threat, i.e. a problem for just one local regime. Its fight was already regional, and a threat to Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan at least. The loss of the Afghan safe haven at the end of 2001 was a severe blow, but it did not destroy the movement. This development prompted a change in the group from a hierarchical structure to one that should better be understood as a network. Now the problem is not only the original IMU, but also a splinter cell, the Islamic Jihad Union (IJU) and a network of sleeper cells in Central Asia, still somewhat connected to the IMU and IJU, but also able to act autonomously. The 'Al-Qaedan' threat here is very real, and will need to be addressed not only in post-Soviet Central Asia, but as the neo-Taliban are the main protectors of the IMU and the IJU, it will also need to be tackled through the War in Afghanistan. Institut Francais de Relations Internationales (1 December 2008)

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AFGHANISTAN: Insurgent Abuses against Afghan Civilians
Ordinary citizens increasingly feel the impact of Afghanistan's ongoing armed conflict. Both Anti government elements (AGEs) and other parties involved in the conflict are responsible for violence that affects the civilian population. This report documents how, in their attempts to weaken the Afghan Government, the Taliban and other AGEs are systematically terrorizing the civilian population with 'night letters,' kidnappings, executions (often by beheading) and other crimes. In their campaign to undermine support for the Government the Taliban fail to differentiate between military objectives and civilians, targeting civilians intentionally. Their targets include doctors, teachers, students, tribe elders, Ulema Council members, civilian government employees, suppliers and day laborers of public-interest reconstruction projects as well as former police and military personnel. In an attempt to further weaken public support for the government, insurgents have also targeted schools, medical services, humanitarian aid and commercial supply lines. These attacks have a severe impact far beyond their immediate victims and the effects of these abuses on Afghan society as a whole will be described, with a focus on the specific areas of social economy, education and health care. This report focuses on serious violations of Islamic principles, domestic and international law caused by the Taliban from 2006 to mid 2008. Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (23 December 2008)

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HUMAN RIGHTS: From Exporting Terrorism to Exporting Repression: Human Rights in the Arab Region - Annual Report 2008
In this report the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS) finds that the status of human rights in the Arab region in 2008 has increasingly worsened. Attacks on the limited public and political liberties that exist have escalated in most countries in the region. CIHRS notes that, while Islamists are less frequently targeted, there is an increase in repression of reformists, human rights defenders and activists, the independent press and electronic media, leaders of protest movements, and of other forms of political action in Arab countries. This has been accompanied by earnest attempts to export increasing domestic repression outside the Arab region through the international mechanisms of the UN and the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Initiative. Arab governments have made large individual and concerted efforts to silence independent Non-Governmental Organizations or erase them from public visibility completely, while simultaneously undermining International Human Rights Mechanisms (IHRM) of their ability to promote human rights and provide protection for victims of rights violations. Furthermore, these states have promoted and created resolutions and policies at IHRMs that are designed to undermine the very rights and freedoms these mechanisms are designed to promote. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (5 December 2008)

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AFGHANISTAN: Struggle For Kabul: The Taliban Advance
While the international community's prospects in Afghanistan have never been bleaker, the Taliban has been experiencing a renaissance that has gained momentum since 2005. At the end of 2001, uprooted from its strongholds and with its critical mass shattered, it was viewed as a spent force. It was naively assumed by the US and its allies that the factors which propelled the Taliban to prominence in Afghanistan would become moribund in parallel to its expulsion from the country. The logic ran that as ordinary Afghans became aware of the superiority of a western democratic model, and the benefits of that system flowed down to every corner of the country, then the Taliban�s rule would be consigned to the margins of Afghan history. However, as seven years of missed opportunity have rolled by, the Taliban has rooted itself across increasing swathes of Afghan territory. According to research undertaken by ICOS throughout 2008, the Taliban now has a permanent presence in 72% of the country. Moreover, it is now seen as the de facto governing power in a number of southern towns and villages. This figure is up from 54% in November 2007, as outlined in the ICOS report Stumbling into Chaos: Afghanistan on the Brink. The increase in their geographic spread illustrates that the Taliban's political, military and economic strategies are now more successful than the West�s in Afghanistan. Confident in their expansion beyond the rural south, the Taliban are at the gates of the capital and infiltrating the city at will. The International Council on Security and Development (8 December 2008)

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WEST BANK AND GAZA STRIP: Hamas and Israel: Conflicting Strategies of Group-Based Politics
This monograph considers the changing fortunes of the Palestinian movement, Hamas, and the recent outcomes of Israeli strategies aimed against this group and Palestinian nationalism external to the Fatah faction of the Palestinian Authority. The example of Hamas challenges much of the current wisdom on 'insurgencies' and their containment. It is important to consider this Islamist movement in the context of a region-wide phenomenon of similar movements with local goals, which can be persuaded to relinquish violence, or which could move in the opposite direction, becoming more violent. Certainly an orientation to Hamas and its base must be factored into new and more practical and effective approaches to peacemaking. At the same time, Hamas offers a fascinating instance of the dynamics of strategic reactions, and the modification of Israeli impulses towards aggressive deterrence, as well as evolution in the Islamist movements' planning and operations. As well, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict bears similarities to a long-standing civil conflict, even as it has sparked inter- Palestinian hostilities in its most recent phase. The need for informed and critical discussion of the future of Islamism in the region continues today. We offer this monograph to those who wish to consider this particular aspect of the Palestinian-Israeli-Arab conflict. Strategic Studies Institute // U.S. Army War College (23 December 2008)

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COLOMBIA-ECUADOR: War without Borders: The Colombia-Ecuador Crisis of 2008
Unprotected borders are a serious threat to the security of a number of states around the globe. Indeed, the combination of weak states, ungoverned space, terrorism, and international criminal networks make a mockery of the Westphalian system of international order. Latin American countries are experiencing all of these maladies in varying degrees. The Andean region is under assault by a different kind of war that defies borders. In this context, Dr. Gabriel Marcella analyzes the lessons to be learned from the Colombian attack against the clandestine camp of the the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, which was located at an isolated area within Ecuador on March 1, 2008. This single incident and its aftermath had profound reverberations throughout the Hemisphere. The events leading to the attack illuminate the vulnerabilities of states, societies, and the international community to the actions of substate groups conducting criminal activities. Accordingly, the hemispheric community of nations needs to develop better ways to anticipate and resolve conflicts. The United States plays a critical role in the emerging security environment of the Andean region. Yet a superpower is often unaware of the immense influence it has with respect to small countries like Ecuador, which is trying to extricate itself from becoming a failed state. Strategic Studies Institute // U.S. Army War College (16 December 2008)

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| More on Ecuador |

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