CLIMATE CHANGE: Environmental Refugees: Myth or Reality?
As the UN Refugee Convention passes its 50th anniversary, the nature and scope of the 'international refugee regime' continues to be a matter of debate. The last decade has seen a number of arguments to
extend the regime, and/or the Convention. Most recent amongst these is the growing consensus that 'internally-displaced persons' (IDPs) should be brought under some form of international protection and/or
assistance. Another strong group of candidates for inclusion has been those displaced by development projects. This paper, though, is concerned with a third group, who although their case for consideration has
been somewhat sidelined in recent years, nonetheless represent an important group of interest to many policy-makers at international level: 'environmental refugees'. Estimates of the number of 'environmental
refugees' in the world vary widely, as do definitions and typologies of such flows. The term was first popularised by Lester Brown of the Worldwatch Institute in the 1970s, but perhaps the most quoted contributions
on the subject are those of El-Hinnawi (1985) and Jacobson (1988). The latter's estimate of 10 million environmental refugees has been repeated by numerous authors, albeit without independent verification of its
accuracy. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees // University of Sussex (March 2001)
More on Climate Change and Armed Conflict |  | 
ARMED CONFLICT: Mass Displacement Caused by Conflicts and One-Sided Violence
Massive displacement of people within countries and across borders has become a defining feature of the post-cold war world. It is also a major feature of human insecurity in which genocide, terrorism, egregious
human rights violations and appalling human degradation wreak havoc on civilians. The need of internally displaced persons (IDPs), people forcibly uprooted in their own countries, for international protection from
conflict and one-sided violence was one of the factors that prompted a shift in global policy and security thinking. Over the past two decades, a strictly state-centred system in which sovereignty was absolute has
evolved into one in which the behaviour of states towards their own citizens has become a matter of international concern and scrutiny. This evolution largely grew from the efforts of the human rights movement,
which had long championed the view that the rights of people transcend frontiers and that the international community must hold governments to account when they fail to meet their obligations. It also arose from
the efforts of the humanitarian community to reach people in need. The deployment of large numbers of relief workers and peacekeeping operations in the field to protect civilians reflects this new reality as do
preventive and peacebuilding efforts. Brookings Institutions // Brookings-Bern Project on Internal Displacement (June 2009)
More on Armed Conflict | |
GENDER: Refugee Girls: The Invisible Faces of War
Girls are rarely featured in the coverage of armed conflict. Given their invisibility, one might assume that girls are somehow spared involvement in war. Yet, not only are girls commonly targeted in armed conflict,
in many ways their lives are more profoundly affected by it than other groups. However, their special needs are frequently overlooked or ignored. More than 140 million girls live in fragile states affected by armed
conflict. Of the 42 million people who have had to flee their homes because of war, 80 percent are women, children and young people. At least 10 million are estimated to be girls and young women. When war
breaks out, people may flee their homes in search of safety. They face harrowing journeys, sometimes taking weeks or months to reach the relative safety of a refugee camp in another country or a camp for
internally displaced persons in their own country. They may seek refuge in an urban area, often in slums on the outskirts of a city. As they flee from war, girls face many dangers, including rape, landmines, gunfire
and hunger. They may be recruited into armed forces or captured by traffickers, or they may fall ill. As they try to navigate through the chaos and confusion around them, family members may be left behind. Men
and boys may stay and fight, or remain to protect the family's land and possessions. Once refugees have reached a place of relative safety, they may stay there for years: the average length of time refugees are
displaced is now 17 years -- a lifetime for those displaced as young children or born during displacement. Women's Refugee Commission (May 2009)
More on Gender and Security | |
IDPs: Global Overview of Trends and Developments in 2008
At the end of 2008, the number of people internally displaced by conflict, generalised violence or human rights violations across the world stood at approximately 26 million, the same figure as in 2007. Some 4.6
million people were forced to flee their homes as a result of new outbreaks of conflict and violence in 24 of the 52 countries monitored. Of these, ten countries had large-scale new displacements of 200,000 people
or more. The figure of 4.6 million people newly displaced in 2008 represented an increase of 900,000 compared to the same total in 2007. Some 2.6 million people in 18 countries were reported to have returned,
slightly fewer than the 2.7 million in 2007. Large-scale returns of 200,000 people or more were reported in five countries: Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sudan, Kenya and the Philippines.
All of these countries except Uganda are also among the countries which experienced new large-scale displacements. The largest reported return movement in relation to the size of the displaced population took
place in Timor-Leste, where the IDP figure fell by two-thirds in 2008. Three countries had a significantly larger internally displaced population than any others: Sudan, Colombia and Iraq together accounted for 45
per cent of the world's internally displaced people (IDPs). Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre // Norwegian Refugee Council (May 2009)
More on Refugees and Internally Displaced People | |
PEACEBUILDING: Refugees and the Regional Dynamics of Peacebuilding
The establishment of the UN Peacebuilding Commission in 2005 is but one example of recent developments in the concept and practice of 'peacebuilding.' While many of these developments have been
encouraging, they share a common limitation: they are focused almost exclusively on activities within the country in question, with little or no attention paid to the regional nature of conflicts and the impact of these
dynamics on peacebuilding. This paper considers the regional dynamics of peacebuilding by examining the relationship between protracted refugee situations and regional insecurity, especially in West and Central
Africa. The paper argues that the presence of 'spoilers' in refugee-populated areas and the potential for early and forced refugee repatriation have the potential to undermine peacebuilding efforts, while the
experience of exile may enable refugees to contribute to various stages of the peacebuilding process. The paper concludes by arguing for a broadening of peacebuilding research, policy, and practice, especially in
the work of the UN Peacebuilding Commission, to incorporate a response to these broader regional dynamics. Munk Centre for International Studies // Trinity College // University of Toronto (September 2008)
More on Conflict Resolution and Peacemaking | |
CONFLICT RESOLUTION: Forcible Displacement in Peace Agreements
Forcible displacement is a consequence, and sometimes even an intended outcome, of most armed conflicts. In many peace processes, the return of refugees and other persons displaced by the conflict is
considered to be key to a lasting peace. Linkages are increasingly being made between refugee repatriation and broader peace-building processes. While much has been said about the role of UNHCR in
repatriation operations, there is little academic literature analysing the impact of provisions on forcible displacement in peace agreements. Until relatively recently, the emphasis was on providing assistance to
returning refugees. There has now been a growing awareness of the rights of such refugees, and this has been reflected in more peace agreements which often contain explicit references to the refugee's rights.
Since the late 1980s, most major peace agreements have included such references and more recent agreements contain increasingly detailed provisions on forcible displacement. The need for these provisions has
been recognised by several UN bodies. The then Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities has reaffirmed the rights of refugees and internally displaced persons to return to
their homes in safety and security and recommended that 'the recognition of such rights should be included within peace agreements ending armed conflicts'. The Executive Committee of UNHCR has also recently
noted 'the desirability of incorporating appropriate legal protections for returning refugees in peace agreements, whenever possible, as a measure to build confidence and in support of their promotion in practice.' International Council on Human Rights Policy (March 2005)
More on Conflict Resolution and Peacemaking | |
HEALTH: The Human Capital and Health Consequences of Hosting Refugees
Between 1993 and 1994, extremist militia groups carried out the extermination of ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus in the genocides of Burundi and Rwanda. Nearly one million people were killed and thousands
were forcibly uprooted from their homes. Over the course of a few months, Kagera – a region in northwestern Tanzania – received more than 500,000 refugees from these wars. This region is home to a series of
geographic natural barriers, which resulted in variation in refugee intensity. I exploit this variation to investigate the short and long run causal effects of hosting refugees on the outcomes of local children.
Reduced-form estimates offer evidence of adverse impacts almost 1.5 years after the shock: a worsening of children’s anthropometrics of 0.3 standard deviations, an increase of 15 to 20 percentage points in the
incidence of infectious diseases and an increase of roughly 7 percentage points in mortality for children under five. I also exploit intra- and inter-cohort variation and find that childhood exposure to this massive
arrival of refugees reduced height in early adulthood by 1.8 cm (1.2%), schooling by 0.2 years (7.1%) and literacy by 7 percentage points (8.6%). Designs using the distance from the village to the border with
Rwanda as an alternative instrumental strategy for refugee intensity support the findings. The estimates are robust across a variety of samples, specifications and estimation methods and provide evidence of a
previously undocumented indirect effect of civil wars on the well-being of children and subsequent economic growth in refugee-hosting communities. Institute for the Study of Labor (April 2008)
More on Health and Security | |
ARMED CONFLICT: Refugees as Local Catalysts of Conflict?
Conflicts generate refugees. However, recent research has shown that also the reverse can be true, i.e. that refugees spur conflict in the receiving country. However, the precise mechanisms of how refugees are
linked to conflict remain unclear. Does the presence of refugees alter state-level conditions which make conflict more likely? In this paper, we examine an alternative mechanism which suggests that the presence
of refugee camps at a location increases the risk of conflict at that location by direct involvement of refugees. We do so by using disaggregated geographic data on refugee camps and conflict events. Our findings,
however, do not confirm the proposed link between refugees and conflict. This suggests that other than the local mechanisms we examine link refugees to the outbreak of conflict. International Conflict Research // ETH Zurich (October 2007)
More on Armed Conflict | |
RECONSTRUCTION: The Role of Returning Displaced Persons in Post-Conflict State Reconstruction
(Re)constructing states, (re)integrating displaced populations and therefore transforming war-torn states and conflict-ridden societies into viable socio-political entities have become crucial tasks in development.
The finding of applicable and sustainable solutions to the 'problems' of 'failed states' and 'uprooted populations' is perceived by the international community not only as key for enhancing national development, but
also crucial to increase regional stability and global security. As successful resettlement and livelihood security are crucial to achieving post-conflict development, the repatriation of refugees, (re)settlement of IDPs
and rehabilitation of ex-combatants have advanced to pressing challenges in numerous societies around the globe. Consequently, the question arises, if the next 'convenient marriage' -- this time between 'state
(re)construction' and 'returnee (re)integration' -- should be arranged?. London School of Economics // Development Studies Institute (February 2007)
More on Peace Operations and Post-Conflict Reconstruction | |
MYANMAR: Internal Displacement and International Law in Eastern Burma
Twenty years after the Burmese junta gunned down pro-democracy protesters, violations of human rights and humanitarian law in eastern Burma are more widespread and systematic than ever. Ten years after
the guiding principles on Internal Displacement were submitted, the international response in eastern Burma remains largely ineffective in dealing with a predatory governing regime. The Thailand Burma Border
Consortium (TBBC) has been collaborating with ethnic community-based organisations to document the characteristics of internal displacement in eastern Burma since 2002. During this period there has been
increasing debate about whether violations of human rights and humanitarian law in eastern Burma constitute an international crime. So aside from updating information about the scale and distribution of internal
displacement, this year's survey compiles abuses reported during 2008 in relation to the legal framework for crimes against humanity. Conflict-induced displacement remains most concentrated in the northern Karen
areas, where armed skirmishes between the Burmese Army and the Karen National Union continued in the first six months of 2008. While the wet season was previously a time of respite from Burmese Army
patrols, intensified troop deployments during the past couple of years mean that the occupation is now sustained all year. This has led to the displacement of 27,000 villagers in the four affected townships during the
past year. The prevalence of military attacks targeting civilians has slightly decreased since the junta's offensive in 2006. However, the harassment of villagers perceived as sympathetic to the armed opposition is
unrelenting. Thailand Burma Border Consortium (October 2008)
More on Myanmar | |
SUDAN: Conflict, Arms, and Militarization: The Dynamics of Darfur's IDP Camps
Tensions in internally displaced person (IDP) and refugee camps in Darfur and on the Chadian border have given rise, in recent years, to claims that they are 'militarized'. To date, little effort has been made to
understand the dynamics in these camps, to mitigate the negative impacts of these dynamics, or to reduce the presence of arms and armed actors. The Government of Sudan, however, has used the tensions to
justify armed intervention in camps -- sometimes with serious consequences for the civilian population -- in support of its agenda to return or relocate IDPs. In turn, Darfur's armed and rebel movements are
manipulating the tensions in the camps and are thereby attracting international attention in order to achieve political goals. Despite the Darfur Peace Agreement and ongoing political negotiations the Darfur conflict
continues. Armed movements continue to fragment and shift allegiances; sub-conflicts between political and tribal groups are increasingly common; and the impact of years of conflict on livelihoods is reaching
critical levels. Though the camps in which Darfurian civilians live are, in general, not militarized, neither are they neutral, humanitarian spaces. Instead, many have become strategic sites for political and economic
activity where, perceiving themselves under threat, the population has little choice but to engage in complex allegiances and negotiations in order to achieve physical security and access to the political process. Small Arms Survey (September 2008)
More on Sudan | |
AFGHANISTAN: "Voluntary Repatriation" and the Case of Afghanistan
Starting in 2002, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has facilitated one of the largest and most rapidly organised voluntary repatriation movements of refugees in modern
history. To date, UNHCR estimates to have assisted 3.7 million Afghan refugees to return to Afghanistan, 2.9 million from Pakistan, 800,000 from Iran, and 14,000 from non-neighbouring states. During the first
month of this operation (March 2002) alone, 130,000 Afghans returned with UNHCR assistance and in April this number nearly doubled. Within another month, the volume of the return movement had reached
unprecedented and unexpected levels with a peak of over 377,000 returning Afghans in May 2002. This trend and pace of return continued throughout 2002, resulting in the repatriation of over two million Afghan
refugees from the neighbouring countries of Iran and Pakistan that year. In the following years, repatriation continued at a slower pace with figures passing the half-million mark each year. The case of voluntary
repatriation to Afghanistan began to represent successful reconstruction, development and political progress within Afghanistan and its region. However, a few months into the repatriation programme, increasing
ambiguity set in regarding the reality of this 'success story' in the field. Given Afghanistan's history of more than 25 years of war and violence, the country was characterised by extreme levels of insecurity as well
as economic, political and social instability. As a result, many refugees who returned to Afghanistan found it difficult to survive in their home areas and were having to consider returning to the country of asylum or
becoming internally displaced. Refugee Studies Centre // Oxford University (January 2008)
More on Afghanistan | |
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